In the conversation over the military build-up in Guahan, critics are sometimes assaulted with what some people think is a knockout blow. Do you want to start having to speak Chinese? It is a curious argument to make when one empire confronts a would-be empire in the furthest parts of the empire. The underlying logic of this not-so-brilliant rhetorical point is that we all speak English now. It is our natural language of commerce, government and media.
Of course, this is based entirely on the strength of the most far-reaching empires in the world during the past three centuries. First, it was the English and now it is the Americans. In our part of the world, there were the Spanish, the Germans and the Japanese. But try as they may, they did not succeed in obliterating the native languages, although, as imperial subjects, many of our ancestors did dutifully learn these languages.
But language is just one point. The other is fear of “others.” Constructing a regime of fear is essential to building support for an extensive network of defenses. In Guahan’s case, this extensive network is necessary to protect the island from Chinese missile attacks, which will inevitably rain down on the island in the event of war over Taiwan or any other matter in the Pacific. It is easy to understand that the main reason for this is to protect the extensive capability of American arms, which can be projected from the homeland of the CHamoru people.
Guahan is a target because it has the capacity to deliver punishing blows from extensive military facilities and assets, such as a mobile ground force, submarines, extensive weapons and fuel capacity. But in a curious way of phrasing the need to defend these assets, Guahan is being told, “You are more than just the homeland for the CHamoru people; you are, in fact, part of the actual American homeland.”
The need to protect the American language and the American assets in the American homeland seems like a perfect and reinforcing series of arguments. These arguments justify the required billions of dollars needed to fund an Enhanced Integrated Air Missile Defense system. The number of submarines stationed here has increased, and the mobile ground force of Marines is expected to arrive soon. Additionally, they need a firing range.
This massive effort to protect the American homeland in Guahan requires funding on a scale that rivals the construction of permanent military bases in the immediate post-World War II period. That activity shaped the very nature of Guahan’s economy for the next 50 years, a period when thousands of foreign workers were brought to the island, and huge construction contracts generated substantial profits for contractors who arrived with the U.S. Navy support and management. Of course, the U.S. Navy controlled entry and access to the island under the Military Security Clearance Executive Order, which lasted until 1962, —a perfect system.
While the Navy no longer controls access to Guahan, military spending continues to go to large contractors known to the defense department. The connections continue.
The spending must also be prudent. So, for the protection of this American homeland and the American taxpayer, the Department of Defense seeks exemption from the “Buy American, Build America” policy under the Biden Infrastructure Act. The DOD, of course, regularly seeks exemptions from the Davis-Bacon Act and even Donald Trump's 2020 executive order limiting the use of foreign workers.
The logic is simple: we must be allowed to bring in foreign workers and find ways to work around these rules in the homeland. It seems these rules and regulations apply only to the “real” American homeland. Imagine trying to do this in other parts of the homeland, like Hawaii or Florida.
The acronym for “Buy American, Build America” is BABA. One candidate for public office in Guahan even noted that the acronym is fitting because “baba” in CHamoru means “bad.” Good for the homeland, but bad for Guahan. The political leadership in Guahan is addicted to foreign labor no matter what they say or how much they feign interest in training a local workforce. The same logic about the temporary use of foreign workers was presented in the 1940s, the 1960s after Typhoon Karen, during the tourism boom of the 1970s and 1980s, and now again in the 2020s.
On top of all this is the idea that other nations will be allowed to put their assets in the CHamoru homeland. The Singapore Air Force is coming to an American air base near Yigo. The latest trial balloon comes from Japan, which has indicated an interest in placing some military personnel here.
Growing up, I heard many stories about World War II and the Japanese occupation. One of the stories that always seemed to make it into the conversation was the use of language. The Japanese tried to force people to speak Japanese and forbade English.
This takes us back to the convoluted logic that lies under inserting language use as a symbol of empire and dominance. Of course, the real issue here is homeland definition and control. I really am grateful that the Department of Defense communicators have inserted the term “homeland” in their strategy for this part of the world. Guahan is the homeland of the CHamoru people; it says so on license plates, so it must be true.
When you want to do something in someone’s homeland, you ask for permission. If you don’t want to or feel required to, you can just tell them, “I don’t need to ask you. I have the power, and you don’t.” The Insular Cases say so. A seemingly cleverer way is to simply redefine “homeland.” Woody Guthrie’s song could be a new anthem. “This land is your land, this land is my land, from Orote Point to New York Island.”
This way, we can allow the Japanese soldiers to reenter Guahan and the Singapore Air Force to be stationed here without asking the owners of this homeland, even if they don’t speak English. In fact, Singaporeans speak the dreaded Chinese language.
Dr. Robert Underwood is the former president of the University of Guam and former member of the U.S. House of Representatives. Send feedback to anacletus2010@gmail.com.
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